Die thailändische Regierung unter dem Premier Abhisit hat den seit acht Monaten über die Hauptstadt Bangkok und umliegende Provinzen verhängten Ausnahmezustand am 22. Dezember endlich aufgehoben. Das Kabinett stimmte dafür, das im April erlassene Dekret außer Kraft zu setzen, da sich die Sicherheitslage nach Ansicht der Regierung gebessert habe. Im Frühjahr war es zu heftigen Protesten gegen die Regierung gekommen, wobei zahlreiche Menschen ihr Leben verloren. Damit ist ein zentrales Hindernis für vorgezogene Neuwahlen beseitigt.

Bei den gestrigen Lokalwahlen in Bangkok haben die Demokraten ihren Status als dominierende politische Kraft in der Hauptstadt bestätigt. Stadtrat-Ergebnis: Demokraten 45 Sitze, Puea Thai 14 Sitze, Unabhängige 1 Sitz; Bezirksrat-Ergebnis: Demokraten 210 Sitze, Puea Thai 39 Sitze, Unabhängige 7 Sitze. Abhisits Partei wiederholte damit ihren Erfolg vom Vormonat, bei der die Demokraten bei den Nachwahlen in Bangkoks Constituency 6 (östliche Vororte von Bkk) einen Parlamentssitz hinzugewinnen konnten. Die erstmals angetretene "New Politics Partei" konnte keinen einzigen Sitz gewinnen, die Wahlbeteiligung war mit rund 42 % gering. Ein Trend für ganz Thailand lässt sich aus diesen Lokalwahlen nicht ableiten.

Former Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun's reform committee yesterday urged the government to end the state of emergency to create the right atmosphere for national reconciliation as the political situation had stabilised even as the rival yellow and red groups are showing signs of compromise.

In a statement faxed to Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, the committee said it was concerned that continuance of the state of emergency would have a negative effect on national reconciliation, and it was also against democratic principles.

The 20-member National Reform Committee (NRC) was set up by Abhisit to map out a plan for reforms after political clashes between the elite-backed government and the red shirts from the low-income working class killed 90 people and injured nearly 2,000 other people in April and May.

The government declared a state of emergency in 24 provinces, including Bangkok, on April 7 when a group of red shirts stormed into the Parliament compound amid the political tension. Prime Minister Abhisit decided to exempt five provinces from the emergency law on July 7. The Cabinet decided again on Tuesday to lift the state of emergency in three provinces, leaving 16 provinces currently where the decree remains in force. Unless the government decides to lift it, the renewable state of emergency would last for three months.

The emergency law is regarded as undemocratic as it authorises the government to crack down on political opponents. Many red-shirt protesters are now being detained under the law while many people were arrested recently because they expressed their political views against the government. Activists and students were arrested recently after they expressed their intention to commemorate the military crackdown on the red shirts in April and May.

"The decision [to end the state of emergency] would help improve the political situation and would be useful in helping the government solve problems," the NRC statement said.

Some problems and difficulties might remain, but the committee suggested that the government rely on political measures, rather than tough law enforcement, to solve problems. "The end of the emergency would be a good start," the statement said.

Anand said many people in the country had expressed their concerns in different ways about the emergency law. Some focus on security concerns while many people look at the human rights aspect, he said.

It might be difficult for the government to take the decision while many problems remain but the committee sees that the situation in some aspects has already returned to normal, he said. "If the government really relies on democratic principles, it should consider a political solution rather than harsh law enforcement," Anand said. "So the state of emergency should end as soon as possible."

Prime Minister Abhisit could not be reached for comment immediately after the NRC decision but he had said earlier that he had no problem with the public demand to end the state of emergency if the situation was back to normal.

"I want to end it as soon as possible but it would not be good if there are some difficulties after the state of emergency is lifted," Abhisit told reporters.

"I want to stress that whole of society should lay emphasis on peace and order in the country. We have to help each other to overcome the troubles," he said.

Prior to the NRC's suggestion yesterday, the leaders of the rival yellow and red shirts agreed to drop eight libel lawsuits between them in a settlement brokered by the Criminal Court.

Sondhi Limthongkul, co-leader of the People's Alliance for Democracy, met with Veera Musigapong and Natthawut Saikua, leaders of the red-shirt movement, at the court on Ratchadaphisek Road. After seven hours of a discussion mediated by court officials, they decided to drop the cases they had filed against their rivals.

Their decision was regarded as a good sign for the political situation as the two groups have been at loggerheads for years.

Source: The Nation

Academics hit out at human rights abuses by officials.

Academics yesterday slammed the government's handling of the red-shirt demonstrations, saying it was against human rights and international standard practice.

Speaking at Thammasat University's "Tragedy from Rajdamnoen to Rajprasong" seminar, they also criticised the authorities' labelling of protesters as "terrorists", the use of war weapons, and media censorship.

Chulalongkorn University philosophy lecturer Kasem Penpinan called the April 10 operation at the Khok Wua intersection and the May 19 incident as officials laying siege to the venues to arrest the protesters.

The actions of the troops were a violation of the people's constitutional right to a political gathering, he said. Despite repeated claims by the Centre for the Resolution of the Emergency Situation (CRES) spokesman Col Sansern Kaewkamnerd that it was done according to international standards, officials on the field unnecessarily used force and war weapons to crack down on the people, he said.

Kasem questioned that if there were terrorists among the demonstrators, why did the Thai intelligence not know about it and find measures to prevent them from mingling with the protesters or snare them out of the rally sites. He said the government's action seemed to come from a desire to turn those disagreeing with it into the public enemy.

A human rights activist, Kwanravee Wangudom, said though the government's tackling of the rally followed the international seven steps practice, the on-site officials were actually heavy-handed in their execution of the operation, possibly due to stress and pressure. She cited as examples that they fired live bullets at the protesters, when they should have used rubber bullets or fired skywards. Many people suffered serious injuries because of this. She said that foreign journalists and rescue workers were also injured reportedly due to bullets fired by Thai troops.

Mahidol University's Human Rights Centre official Kritaya Achawanitkul said that 86 men and four women had died. Ten of them were government officials. Most of those killed were shot in the head with a weapon firing at high velocity, she said and added that one-third didn't undergo autopsy despite the fact that autopsy reports were an important evidence to determine the cause of death.

"In the case of volunteer nurse Kamolket Akahad, killed at Wat Pathum Wanaram, Dr Porntip Rojanasunan had said a bullet was inside Kamolket's body but the authority then said there wasn't. This showed that the government's autopsy was not clear and there could have been a cover-up," she added.

She slammed the use of the word "terrorist" to label demonstrators in an attempt to tarnish their reputation and justify the government's handling of what it viewed as ugly and disappointing. People could hate the government but the government has no right to hate the people and order them killed, Kritaya added.

Human rights activist Saravuth Pathumrat said the demonstrators were also apprehended in a violent, humiliating and inappropriate manner such as tying their hands at the back, laying them face down, blindfolding them and even assaulting them during arrest. Even Buddhist monks had their hands and feet tied. This was too much even though the demonstrators violated the ban on gatherings, which was a political offence. The government's use of threats against its own citizens revealed its instability and illegitimacy.

Chulalongkorn University's political-science lecturer Jakkrit Sangkhamanee said the CRES announcements during the time were like propaganda, by not giving all the facts, and presenting the situation in a one-sided way. He said that CRES also tried to stir fear and hate among the public for the demonstrators and that official investigations of the violent incidents were not yet completed.

He cited the CRES "propaganda" techniques such as character-assassination, using expressions demonising the opposition, partial truths, a diversion from the main points and a creating a craze for a person involved in the propaganda such as Colonel Sansern.

Mass Communication academic Ubonrat Siriyuwasak said the government had used the national security and emergency laws to block and control media, news reports and political expressions, in order to create legitimacy for the government and troops in dispersing the rally.

She cited the television pool announcements, the censoring of local media such as community radios and cable TVs, the closure of 36 websites broadcasting "national security threat" messages, and the interference in mainstream media to suspend programmes or columns that portrayed a negative image of the troops' operations.

After the seminar, the Por Tek Teung Foundation presented the pictures of a rescue worker being shot dead in front of Wat Pathumwanaram, the volunteer nurse Kamolket, and another rescue worker who was shot dead at the Bon Kai area while carrying a Red-Cross flag.

Source: The Nation

At Saturday's event at Thammasat University, which marked the one-month anniversary of security forces' dispersal of United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD) protesters, rights advocates and academics also slammed the state for using propaganda to whitewash its unjust actions and the emergency decree to eliminate dissidents.

"What the state has done is in violation of the United Nations' principles on human rights" said Krittiya Archavanikul of Mahidol University's Human Rights Centre.

She was referring to the military's dispersal operations carried out on April 10 and from May 14 to 19, which resulted in 90 deaths and over 1,800 injuries.

The Centre for the Resolution of the Emergency Situation has been unable to substantiate its claims that the military used live rounds against protesters and bystanders only in self-defence, she said.

The state had not employed force to disperse the crowd on a proportional basis as stipulated by the Universal Declaration for Human Rights ratified by Thailand, she said.

"The state has used the term 'terrorism' to clean the dirt it is hiding," said Mrs Krittiya.

Peace advocate Kwanravee Wang-udom said the CRES had violated international rights principles by allowing soldiers to use live rounds without close supervision.

The CRES's orders gave authorities legal immunity to commit unjust actions, Ms Kwanravee said.

Kasem Penpinant of Chulalongkorn University's arts faculty said the use of over 50,000 heavily armed security forces

personnel to disperse a political gathering should not have happened in a democratic country.

"It was like a military operation during a war," he said, adding the government has failed to provide clear evidence to substantiate its claim that terrorists had mingled among the protesters.

A key issue at the forum was the state's use of propaganda to justify the military operation.

Chulalongkorn University political scientist Jakkrit Sangkhamanee said the government's use of propaganda has been successful because it was well planned.

"Propaganda has been used to make the public trust the government, and fear and hate protestors, as well as to bring debate to a swift conclusion," he said.

During its daily televised announcements, the CRES had used terms like "law breakers" to refer to the protesters, creating a bias against them that helped justify the state's actions.

"The state has been selective in telling the truth and has distracted public attention from core issues," he said, citing the CRES's refusal to clarify whether the army had used snipers during dispersal operations.

Human rights advocate Sarawut Prathumrat urged the government to lift the emergency decree, saying it has led to more abuses of authority.

Red shirt supporters and leaders, as well as their family members, have been brought in for interrogation by security forces since the decree was put into effect, he said. Many have also been threatened and arrested, he said.

Pruek Thaothawin, a lecturer with Ubon Ratchathani University's arts faculty, said the decree "is a tool for the state to administer its fear of dissidents".

Source: Bangkokpost

Two weeks after turning himself in to police, political activist Somyot Pruksakasemsuk is being held without charge at a Thai army base -- one of hundreds of people jailed over the anti-government street protests of the red-shirt United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD).

Their detention has dismayed human rights campaigners, who say the government's use of a state of emergency across one third of the country, including Bangkok, lacks transparency and violates freedom of expression.

The Netherlands-based Clean Clothes Campaign, spearheading the call for Somyot's release, says it is "seriously concerned" for the health and safety of the labour- and rights advocate, believed to be in solitary confinement.

Somyot, the editor of a magazine that supports the red-shirts, held a news conference on May 21 at which he called on Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva to resign and vowed to continue the opposition movement's struggle.

A day later, an arrest warrant was issued for him under the emergency rule.

"There is no charge against him. He is only suspected of causing violence or chaos," Somyot's lawyer Krisdang Nutjaras told AFP.

The UDD rally, broken up on May 19 by a military assault on their huge encampment in the heart of Bangkok, sparked outbreaks of violence that left 89 people dead, mostly civilians, and nearly 1,900 injured.

Critics say the government may be fanning the crisis as it uses sweeping emergency powers to clamp down on and censor the protest movement -- which was calling for immediate elections -- rather than addressing its grievances.

"We're concerned about the chilling effect on society and on freedom of expression," said Benjamin Zawacki, Amnesty International's Southeast Asia researcher. "We're concerned the political space has been closed down."

The premier declared a state of emergency in the protest-hit capital on April 7, banning public gatherings of more than five people and giving broad powers to the police and military. While the rally has ended, the strict measures remain.

Determined to weed out the extremists, including those who ended their rally with an onslaught of arson and looting, authorities have jailed more than 300 suspects, the justice ministry told AFP, without elaborating.

Leading rights group Human Rights Watch (HRW) has written to Abhisit demanding a full list of names, numbers, locations and conditions of the detainees, who can be held for 30 days without charge under emergency rule.

"The public has been kept in the dark about the arrests and detention," said Sunai Phasuk, a Thai analyst at HRW. "The arrests may potentially force the Red Shirts underground and radicalise them."

There are even greater concerns about censorship powers wielded under the emergency decree, which have blocked pro-UDD TV channels and community radio stations as well as more than 1,000 websites deemed provocative.

"We think it's really over-the-top. They're shutting down anything that has a tint of red," said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director at HRW.

"We recognise very clearly that there are websites inciting violence and they should have the government's attention, but they are going much further than that," he added.

A climate is now developing in which people are increasingly afraid to speak or write their mind, according to Supinya Klangnarong, coordinator of the Thai Netizen Network, which campaigns for "cyber freedom".

A 24-hour hotline has been set up by the government enabling citizens to report suspicious websites.

"There is the phenomenon of witch-hunting. If I post something against the government I can be bombarded by a lot of government sympathisers," Supinya said.

Thailand expert Michael Montesano, from the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore, said the hardline approach was partly linked to fugitive former premier Thaksin Shinawatra, who is wanted on terrorism charges.

Thaksin, who himself restricted media and free speech before his ouster in a 2006 coup, has often used new media to address his many Red Shirt followers and is accused by the government of financing the protests and inciting unrest.

"There is general government panic over, and fear of, Thaksin's influence," Montesano said.

Source: Bangkokpost

Foreign correspondents who met with Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva yesterday in an hour-long session to hear the PM discuss the political crisis remained sceptical about events leading up to the May 19 crackdown on red shirt protesters and the prospects of national reconciliation.

Many questions by mostly Western reporters focused on whether the government used excessive and disproportionate force to bring an end to the red-shirt protest at Rajprasong intersection or not.

German freelance photographer Nick Nostitz claimed he was with unarmed protesters "who merely want to exercise their political rights" but were shot at by soldiers. He asked Abhisit about accountability under the Emergency Decree.

The PM replied by saying soldiers did fire warning shots but live bullets were used in self defence and on clear targets.

He asked Nostitz to submit evidence.

"If you have that please submit [it] to the investigating committee. You're welcome to provide the testimony," the PM said.

Abhisit also said later it may be unfair to say civilians were killed because of "indiscriminate use of firearms" by soldiers.

In regard to six bodies inside Pathum Wanaram Temple, Abhisit said a "full investigation still needs to be made". His vow came despite a government document handed to journalists yesterday concluding that what took place was the result of attacks by "those armed with weapons of war" but people who were not soldiers.

The mood was not good partly due to the distribution of a text by the government prior to the hour-long session listing 12 "common misperceptions of foreign media regarding the current situation in Thailand".

One western journalist complained after the hour-long session to his peers: "We don't have this kind of shit in the Soviet Union [era]!"

An Associated Press reporter asked why prachatai.com news-site continued to be blocked while state-controlled NBT television, which was full of "hate and fear mongers" broadcast freely. The premier said he didn't know about prachatai.com but added that its web-board discussion may have defamatory content.

"The whole website should not be shutdown. I thought we lifted [it] for a while. But I will look into the matter again."

Nirmal Ghosh, of Singapore's Straits Times newspaper, pointed out to the PM that Thailand continued to be divided for the past year and a half, although Abhisit talked about reconciliation and elements of red shirts were now being suppressed.

Abhisit replied by saying his reconciliation was based on the rule of law. "It is not the government side that is reluctant in offering solutions," he said, adding that he hoped to separate extremists from ordinary people.

On the charge of a plot to overthrow the monarchy, Abhisit claimed without producing any evidence that a printed text had been produced by "people who openly say that they have an aim to do just that".

Asked by another journalist why some members of the People Alliance for Democracy (PAD) had been not punished yet, the premier said "they're under the same law". Sitting to the left of Abhisit was Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya, a staunch PAD supporter who went up on PAD stage several times.

Kasit did not look pleased.

The previous session with members of the diplomatic corps, heads of international organisations and foreign chambers of commerce was closed to journalists.

An Asian diplomat from an influential Asian country told The Nation he did not come out more convinced by the PM's explanation of recent events and the session "didn't explain too many things".

"Basically it's still the same things that he has been saying."

Source: The Nation

Angry red-shirt protesters booed off their leaders' attempts to enter an immediate peace process with the government yesterday, presenting another major stumbling block to attempts to end the bloody violence plaguing Bangkok.

Before the major twist in the evening, former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra was decried by the government as the main mastermind of the violence and the key obstacle to peace. The government also rejected calls for a mutual cease-fire, saying the red shirts must leave the Rajprasong intersection first before any peace talks can begin.

But a group of five senators, led by Senator Lertrat Ratanavanich, visited the Rajprasong stage early in the evening and managed to convince the leaders to agree to a unilateral cease-fire to immediately kick-start the peace process. When Lertrat announced the agreement to protesters, they greeted him with boos and threw articles.

Red leaders took turns to try to pacify the crowd, who still sounded very upset as they spoke. The leaders said dozens of times that their intention to "save lives" should not be interpreted as a "secret deal" with the government. "Even dogs can't do that [striking a secret deal with the government]," said Natthawut Saikua.

After spending two months portraying the Abhisit government as the worst tyrant, the leaders found out that the crowd had taken it all seriously, with emotions fuelled by the heavy casualties inflicted on the movement after four days of violence. Last night, therefore, was a make-or-break moment which would reveal if the leaders could still control the crowd or it has become an independent, unpredictable force of its own.

The defiant crowd presented another snag after Thaksin allegedly made demands that could not be met by the government. According to a government source, Thaksin, through his representatives, appeared uninterested in an early end to the red shirts' protests and riots as long as he did not get what he wanted.

"As long as Thaksin does not get what he wants, he won't let this end so easily," said the source. "His latest condition is that he wants not only amnesty in the different cases against him, but also have his passports returned. Those conditions cannot be met by the government."

Violence continued but with decreased intensity in Bangkok, with Bon Kai and Rajprarop remaining the most sensitive areas, where sporadic gunshots and explosions were still heard. The fatality toll since last Friday was 37, excluding Maj-General Khattiya Sawasdipol. Nearly 300 people are injured.

Thaksin's influence in the ongoing secret talks between the government and the red shirts was confirmed by another source from the opposition Pheu Thai Party.

The source, who is close to the ex-premier, said that certain Pheu Thai leaders and Thaksin's close relatives were also involved in the secret talks. In addition to other conditions, such as the date for a new election, Thaksin also made his personal demands.

"Up till now, there have been no positive responses to the demands. These include a return of part of assets from the asset-seizure case and a return of Thaksin's passports," said the Pheu Thai source.

The source also said that Thaksin has a "trump card" in hand that he would use if the talks fail.

"The real strategists [Thaksin's allies from the military] will play an underground game by staging sabotage acts in different areas throughout the city and other major provinces in order to pressure the government to accept Thaksin's conditions," the source said.

Meanwhile, the Cabinet yesterday declared the three remaining work days of the week as public holidays in Bangkok to facilitate the operations to restore peace in the city.

During yesterday's Cabinet meeting at the 11th Infantry Regiment, the head strategist of the operation, deputy Army chief of staff Lt-General Dawpong Rattanasuban, explained to the ministers about the military-led operation. He was assigned by Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban, who heads the Centre for the Resolution of the Emergency Situation.

The general said Army snipers were responsible for some deaths during the mayhem but those killed were carrying weapons, a government source quoted him as saying. "When the bodies or the injured people were taken away [from the scene], the weapons lying beside them were left behind," he was quoted by the source as telling the Cabinet.

Dawpong also said that many of the deaths were caused by heavily armed men siding with the red shirts. "More than a hundred grenades were fired from M79 launchers," he said, adding that deaths of "innocent people" were often wrongly blamed on the military.

In a related development, Pheu Thai MPs plan to submit a petition to Senate Speaker Prasopsuk Boondej this morning seeking impeachment of Suthep and Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva for ordering the military operations on the red shirts.

MP Surapong Towichakchaikul said the party resolved that all of its MPs sign the petition. Any MP who fails to take part would not be fielded in the next election as they would be suspected of possible defection.

Also yesterday, Thammasat University's law lecturer Parinya Thewanarumitkul released an open letter reminding the prime minister and red-shirt leader Jatuporn Promphan that they were fellow protesters 18 years ago when there were street demonstrations against a coup leader becoming prime minister. The protests led to a deadly military crackdown.

Rajdamnoen, then Silom, and now Rajprasong. The wounds are getting deeper and deeper and no matter how this ends, it is never going to really end. The blame game yesterday between the government and the red shirts confirms as much as Thailand continues its tail-spin toward what was unthinkable just two months ago.

But first the bleeding has to be stopped. For every new death and injury, the feelings on both sides become more estranged and festered.

For every new shot fired and grenade launched, the country's fragile harmony edges closer to the brink of total collapse.

The red shirts demanded the government stop shooting immediately.

That was followed by Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva saying on TV last night the only way to solve the crisis was for the protesters to end their two-month rally.

The demands were accompanied with each side's own version of the fight - one featuring troops on a shooting spree against unarmed civilians and the other blaming armed elements for a heavy casualty toll.

Abhisit said the government "can't turn back". The red shirts said they would fight to the death.

How Thailand has arrived at this point after at least two great opportunities to achieve peace will remain a big question mark. It was only about a week ago that compromise was within reach, that protesters looked a few hours away from packing up and everyone seemed to be preparing for a general election late this year.

What went wrong, however, is not as important as what can still go much more wrong. Events over the past few days have galvanised both sides, whereas now is the time for sympathy and even humility.

The "come and shoot us" mentality as displayed by red leaders Jatuporn Promphan and Nutthawut Saikua is thoughtless, if not selfish.

This is not the time to win ideologically. This is the time to save lives of people, who have for so long shown unconditional faith in them.

The government, on the other hand, has dangerously blurred the line in its sudden resolve to end it all quickly. The red movement may have the support of armed factions but efforts to differentiate militants from innocent protesters have been awkward at best and sloppy at worst.

We have been left to wonder whether all appropriate measures have been explored and attempted before the out-of-the-blue blockade and abrupt application of pressure. It appeared that the government, which wasted almost 60 days failing to implement strict checkpoints and containment, was making up for lost time, and clumsily so.

Both sides have talked about saving lives, but they have never seem to mean it. Personal egos and vested interests still dictate events while compassion and sense of nationhood have gone missing.

The rivals have no choice but to resume talks and this time they must do what they have never done - stop thinking about themselves.

"Today more blood will be shed," Pongamporn Bandasak, the red-shirt community radio host at FM101.25 was heard saying at 6am yesterday. I had tuned in to the station at home after a long night of off-and-on fighting and killing at various spots around Bangkok that saw real bullets used by soldiers and M79 grenades fired by unidentified assailants.

The beginning of an undeclared civil war in Bangkok continued as dawn broke. A radio listener called in to say the situation was like a coup, with soldiers shooting at protesters.

"The Democrat Party is plunging Thailand deeper into the abyss," the caller said. "The use of force like this is out of time and place."

The 24-hour casualty toll as of 6am was 10 dead and 135 wounded - and rising. As the two voices discussed whether the red shirts were winning or not, I began wondering how many more lives would be lost before this will end. Should we keep counting the death toll and coldly watching it rise like a barometer?

By 1.15pm the official death toll had reached 17, but the red shirts claimed seven more (24) had been killed. Natthawut Saikua went on the main stage at Rajprasong for a press conference to call for an immediate ceasefire.

"Stop shooting, retreat and we can then negotiate," Natthawut said. Asked by a journalist why he was not ordering the red shirts to stop attacking first, he angrily retorted: "The killers must stop. You cannot possibly expect those being hunted to stop killing. It's as if the red shirts have been abandoned alone in the world."

The facts were 17 had been killed and they were all civilians. By evening, one more death was reported - that of an emergency rescue worker. The response by the government's Centre for the Resolution of the Emergency Situation (CRES) came late in the afternoon. CRES officials said the high death toll was a result of reds shooting one another and the government faced the threat of political order being overthrown.

On Thursday evening I met red-shirt leader Jaran Ditta-apichai behind at the main stage at Rajprasong, talking to a handful of academics and activists sympathetic to the red-shirt cause.

"Thai politics will no longer be the same no matter whether we win or lose. The good old days are gone. A society of reconciliation is gone," Jaran said.

The current political struggle will continue for at least five years, he predicted.

"And the nature of the struggle will no longer be the same," he said, without clearly explaining how it will differ.

"Those who think that if we were to suddenly return home that there would be reconciliation would be naïve. They will follow and crush us. The fight has been raging for four years now, so how can it easily end? The longer we stay the more we risk being arrested. But once we have decided to join the fight, things will be tough. We may fight for another two years, three years or 10 years and must be willing to sacrifice - be arrested or killed."

By 4pm, a Dusit Poll revealed a disturbing figure: 51 per cent of respondents backed the military crackdown. It's not clear what the other 49 per cent thought.

Many families are deeply divided by the current political crisis. Yesterday, a woman whose mother lives near Silom said her mother spent Friday locked up fearing for her safety as clashes went on all night.

"Mom said the real situation was worse than what the media reported. She said [PM] Abhisit is cruel, but I think she misunderstood things," said the middle-aged woman, who apparently supported the military crackdown.

Quelle: The Nation